For decades, the United States has established itself as a global champion of free speech. Now, under the latest crackdown on the Trump administration, that ideal is abandoned – not to protect Americans, but clearly to protect foreign governments from criticism.
Under the banner of the fight against “anti-Semitism,” the cleansing of pro-Palestinian voices sets a frightening precedent. Foreign-born residents no longer have to break the law to be detained or deported.
The first victim? A Columbia graduate student, who appears to be a “threatening national security,” summed up in condemning a military campaign funded by the Biden administration. Now, President Donald Trump used to gather on the “pro” platform.
Mahmoud Khalil detention
Last Saturday, Ice Agent arrested Colombian alumnus Mahmoud Khalil (born 1995) in a pre-dawn raid at a university-owned apartment in Manhattan. His crime? Apparently, it wasn't there.
Instead, Khalil, a Palestinian-born activist with Algerian citizenship, targeted the role of his voice in the campus protests against Israeli military operations in Gaza.
Originally, the ICE agent tried to justify the arrest by citing a visa violation, but found that in fact Halil held a valid green card. In response, they shifted tactics and denounced him for “anti-Semitic” activities. This is the term under Trump's new executive order (later details), which involves organizing protests critical of Israel's military action.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio reportedly personally approved the arrest. Under the law, he only needed “rational grounds” to determine that Halil's existence would have “potentially serious and unfavorable diplomatic effects” on the United States.
And what were the “rational grounds” for them? At a press conference the next day, White House press secretary Caroline Leavitt wrote it. She said Halil was detained for “Sid (eds) with terrorists” and “disturbed classes on the college campus.” She also said activists harassed Jewish students and “make them feel unsafe.” Finally, Halil distributed “Prohama Propaganda.” Ultimately, Lewitt said he was “hostile” to America's “foreign policy and national security.”
Halil's wife, an American citizen, said eight months pregnant she was threatened with arrest for refusing to leave her husband with her agent. According to ABC News, she claimed they never showed the warrant.
The court hearing in the Khalil deportation case is set for today.
Halil's behaviorism
If the Trump administration and its allies wanted to portray Mahmoud Khalil as a dangerous extremist, their case took an unexpected and deeply ironic turn.
One notable example was from former IDF member Eitan Fischberger. He joined social media in what he clearly believed was the exposure of a smoking gun. He condemned Israel's occupation, negotiated with Columbia University on behalf of the Palestinian camp, and interviewed media “strapped in Hamas.”
But Fishberger didn't just have political debates. He argued that Halil is deportable under US law. His reasoning? Halil was a spokesman for Columbia University Apartheid Selling (CUAD). It is a group advocating for the liberation of Palestine through the economic and academic sale of Colombia from Israel. Fishburger reposted his claim that Cuad had expressed support for “armed resistance by Hamas.” Ostensibly, the halil was placed under 8USC §1227(a)(4)(b). This is a provision that allows the deportation of non-citizens who represent groups that support “terrorist activities.”
If this was intended to solidify the lawsuit against Khalil, it did the opposite. Because, as this crackdown has made it clear, it is not about what Halil did, but about what he represents.
Terrorists vs. Rebels
It may be inconvenient for those pushing this story, but it is worth considering resistance to occupation as legal under international law. Despite withdrawing the settlement in 2005, Israel remains de facto occupation in Gaza. It still controls the enclave boundaries, airspace and essential infrastructure. Several legal laws distinguish between “armed resistance” and “terrorism.” However, geopolitical interests negate legal accuracy and moral considerations and erase the nuances.
Needless to say, the United States does not adopt any important international legal frameworks that define resistance to occupation as justified. This includes the Geneva Convention and Additional Protocol I of the United Nations Resolutions that support the right to self-determination through armed struggle.
This omission is not a coincidence. By rejecting these legal standards, the United States reserves the authority to label groups based on geopolitical convenience rather than consistent principles. It denies resistance when it threatens our interests, while supporting armed rebellions when useful.
result? Palestinian extremists are “terrorists,” but US-sponsored rebels have made Becom the “freedom warriors” no matter how cruel they are. History is littered with US-funded troops committed by the atrocities, from Nicaragua to Syria and Afghanistan. However, the group did not face the same drastic condemnation that applies to those who resisted Western-backed occupations.
In short, there is a legal distinction, but Washington ignores it. In that sense, “terrorism” is not a fixed legal category. It is a weaponized label made as a foreign policy tool.
Trump praises the arrest and promises to come more
If anyone still had the impression that Mahmoud Khalil's arrest was a matter of benign immigration, President Trump himself wasted no time dispelling the illusion.
On Monday, Trump worked on the Truth Society to personally celebrate Halil's detention. He made it quite clear that this was just the beginning of a wider crackdown.
This is the first arrest of many people in the future. We know that Columbia and other universities have more students at other universities that engage in terrorist, anti-Semitism, and anti-American activities. The Trump administration will not tolerate it. Most are paid agitators, not students.
If that's not clear enough, the official White House X account is:
Because obviously there is no “equal application of the law” that would make government accounts laugh at individuals detained with Hebrew greetings. In particular, Trump's repeated use of “Shalom” (the biblical word for “peace”) was not noticed in a provocative context. Like Haretz, a major Israeli media outlet, some Israeli groups have accused it of inappropriate and blatantly political.
Trump's border emperor Tom Homan has bolstered the president's message. He told Fox News that Khalil is “one of many” facing their “crime” depositions.
Trump's Executive Order: IHRA definition as a weapon
The legal basis for this crackdown is Trump's new executive order, signed in late January. This order is based on the International Holocaust Memory Union (IHRA) definition of anti-Semitism. The definition is as follows:
Anti-Semitism is a specific perception of Jews and may be expressed as hatred towards Jews. The rhetorical and physical symptoms of anti-Semitism are directed at Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or property, as well as Jewish community institutions and religious institutions.
This definition is so open-ended that it definitely confuses political speech with bias. Do you call Israel an apartheid state? Anti-Semitism. Do you oppose military campaigns? Anti-Semitism. Will it have a major impact on US policy? It's definitely anti-Semitism.
The new executive order expands to Trump's EO 13899, signed in 2019 to clarify discrimination laws related to anti-Semitism on university campuses. As reported by New American, the 2025 version will move from description to aggressive enforcement. It broadens federal authorities and directs agencies to take action against individuals based on speech rather than acts.
For years, Donald Trump opposed “culture cancellation” and preached “America First.” Now, his administration is deporting foreign students for political activities at the request of foreign states.
The irony would be interesting – if it wasn't that dangerous.
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