Constitutional Crisis: Can the rule of law survive this presidency?

This includes everything about the constitutional crisis.

According to law professor Amanda Frost, “the constitutional crisis arises as one branch of the government, “blatantly, significantly, and regularly exceeds constitutional authority,” while other branches say. I can't stop it, I don't want to stop it.”

Think for yourself.

The president has become fraudulent and doubled his belief that he has “right to do whatever he wants to do as president.”

The Vice President believes that the President should be a law that cannot be explained to himself, or to other departments of the government.

Republican-controlled Congress appears to be deaf, stupid, blind to the blatantly unconstitutional overreach of the administration.

The Constitution is thwarted because the court, which has largely etched into the grip of government's power in recent years, is not ready to hold back a sitting president who is determined to do whatever he wants.

Meanwhile, the constitution is still missing from the White House website.

This last point is not monitoring.

Rather, it speaks volumes about the priorities of the current presidential administration.

Certainly, Trump's predecessor paid lip service to the rule of law, avoiding it on every occasion, but Trump was able to get in the way of legal, moral or political barricades to the way of his ultimate goal. There is no attitude towards his intention to put aside what he does.

Rules by Fiat – when the president unilaterally attempts to impose his will through the use of executive orders, warrants, memorandums, declarations, national security directives, and legislative signature statements – are crimes against the constitution.

When Biden did it, it was offensive. When Obama did it, it was offensive. And when Trump does it, it's just as uncomfortable.

Already, Trump has signed more executive orders than any other president in his first 100 days.

This is not a sign of strength and leadership. This is a red flag.

In bypassing Congress to implement his ambitious agenda, the Trump administration risks turning the administrative division into something similar to what often criticizes: overreach surveillance, dictating individual choices Compliance with nanny status and prioritizing police status freedom.

In particular, Trump and his Musk-led Government Efficiency Bureau (DOGE) have pledged to fire large strips of federal employees, but police state martial law equipment remains barely touched. It shows that there is.

In this way, those who argue that authoritarian totalitarianism cannot happen here need to pay better attention.

It's already happening.

According to journalist Benjamin Carlson, the following are the 15 benchmarks of the totalitarian regime:

The media is controlled. Opposition is equivalent to violence. Legal systems are adopted by states. Power is put into action to prevent dissent. State police are instructed to protect the government, not the people. Financial, legal and civil rights are conditioned on compliance. There is a large compatibility between actions and beliefs. Power is concentrated on the inner rings of people and institutions. Semi-organized violence is permitted. Propaganda targets state enemies. The entire class of people has become scapego-goes due to persecution and is singled out. Extraordinary activities against internal enemies are tolerated. Unpredictable and strict enforcement is used for undesirable classes. The language of the constitution serves as a façade for the exercise of power. And all private and public powers are used to enforce orthodox compliance.

To protect these pitfalls, you must start by understanding the rule of law and how it works within a system of checks and balance.

The rule of law is the principle that everyone, including the government and the president, must follow the laws embodied in the US Constitution.

In a nutshell, the Constitution is a social contract, a contract of people with the government, a system of checks and balance that relies on the role and limitations of government, a separation of authority, and citizens.

The American founder established a system of checks and balance to prevent electricity concentration in a single branch. To this end, the Constitution establishes three separate equal branches of government. The legislative department that enacts laws. Administrative agencies that enforce the law. and the judicial division that interprets the law.

Despite Fiat's attempts to govern Trump, none of the constitution has granted unilateral authority to act outside of these established checks and balances. prosperity, etc.).

Allowing the President to bypass the legal process established to prioritize his own power over compliance with the rule of law will ultimately allow him to undermine the principles of the constitutional government. .

It takes us to the present moment.

With Congress on the sidelines, momentum is built for a constitutional showdown between the White House and the judiciary.

This should be true.

The court's job is to maintain the rule of law and serve as a judge in the power struggle between the president and Congress. That delicate balance between the three branches of the government was intended to serve as a breakwater against tyranny and as a deterrent to those who overcome it.

But when everything is said and done, it is assumed that it is not the president, not the court, but the “our people” who hold true power. As the 10th Amendment declares, “powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution are not thereby prohibited by the State, but are reserved to the State or the People, respectively.”

The purpose of government is to serve people, not the other way around.

The first three words in the preamble to the Constitution say, “We are people.”

This is the government of people by and for people.

So, what is the answer?

As I point out in my book Battlefield America: The War war for the American People, in my fictional counterpart, Erik Blair Diaries, what American founders should do when the government tramples. It was very clear.

Thomas Jefferson tied them up from mischief in the chains of the constitution.

Take the alarm in your first experiment on freedom and warn James Madison.

And if government leaders were to abuse their power and rob the people of their rights, they would remove them and warn the Declaration of Independence.

About John & Neesha Whitehead:

Constitutional lawyer and author John W. Whitehead is the founder and chairman of the Rutherford Institute. His latest book, The Erik Blair Diaries and Battlefield America: The War on the American People, is available at www.amazon.com. Whitehead can be contacted via email protection. Nisha Whitehead is the executive director of the Rutherford Institute. Information about the Rutherford Institute is available at www.rutherford.org.